WITH the government determined to have a dialogue with the TTP come what may, the rest of the stakeholders have seemingly fallen in line — except perhaps the TTP itself.

What was once touted somewhat facilely as ‘give peace a chance’ became even more improbably ‘give peace one last chance’ earlier this year and now has returned yet again to simply ‘giving peace a chance’. Perhaps the catchphrase of the season should be rephrased to more accurately reflect reality: give the TTP a chance — to do whatever it likes.

Few details are known about the Committee on National Security — when and how was the name changed from the original Cabinet Committee on National Security? — meeting and what was discussed, but the bottom line is clear: talks with the TTP will continue, though first of course the outlawed militant group will have to be persuaded to again announce a ceasefire and perhaps even to return to the negotiating table itself.

The policy of dialogue may be the government’s initiative, but it is also apparent that there is no alternative vision elsewhere in the political spectrum of the country. Even the PPP, whose leader, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, has been so critical of the TTP, has repeatedly and publicly backed the dialogue process.

But the ultimate responsibility is the government’s: both for pursuing talks with the TTP come what may and for ensuring the safety and security of the public. So now that the TTP has ended its ceasefire, surely part of the blame if — rather, when — further attacks occur must lie with the government.

For even in continuing to pursue talks and a restoration of the TTP ceasefire, the government is hardly showing the kind of urgency that it has itself argued is of vital importance. Instead, everything appears to be moving at an almost languid pace, the government unable to even quickly respond to the TTP’s public posturing.

Cravenness and capitulation to the TTP it may be, but the government’s ongoing non-strategy is likely being watched very closely by other groups with an interest in reorienting the Pakistani state and willing to use violence to achieve their aims. In fact, what the TTP is doing is creating a step-by-step playbook for how to wrest space, advantage and concessions from the state.

The TTP has even appeared to have mastered the art of psychological warfare and propaganda: just yesterday the TTP claimed that an end to the ceasefire would not mean a resumption of attacks against the public. Essentially, the TTP is trying to drive a wedge between state and society by picking and choosing targets to alternately sow fear and hope — the perverse hope that the only meaningful safety lies in not attracting the ire of the TTP. More and more, the TTP looks like a shadow government — and certainly more resolute than the one Pakistan elected last May.